CULTURAL READINGS: Colonization & Print in the Americas
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When Garcilaso de la Vega wrote in the Preface to the Royal Commentaries (1) that his home was "the city of Cuzco, which was another Rome in that empire," (2) he was drawing on a tradition that was by then well established in historical writing about the Incas. Rome had been present in the minds of the very first invaders while they made their way South from Panama. For it was the memory of the Roman conquest and government of Spain that made the Incas recognizable as rulers of an empire and as exponents of a culture that was, as the Spanish invaders came to perceive it, in every sense distinct from surrounding cultures. Even though it took some years before the Spanish were able to explain how precisely the Incas differed from their neighbours, the existence of such a difference was noted from the very beginning. So it was that Miguel de Estete, a member of Francisco Pizarro's invading force, wrote about his own first glimpse of the Incas at Tumbez:
From this settlement begins the peaceful dominion of the lords of Cuzco and the good land. For although the lords further back and the lord of Tumbala, who was a man of note, were subject to the Inca, it was not as peacefully as from here onwards. For those lords only recognized the Incas and offered a certain tribute, but no more; from here onwards, however, they were all very obedient vassals. (3)
Soon after, Estete noticed that in many other settlements, there were "governors and judicial officers who had been installed by that great lord" Atahuallpa, (4) and who looked for their orders to the centre of the empire in Cuzco:
This city of Cuzco was the head of all these kingdoms, where the rulers normally resided. Four roads converged there and joined in a cross, coming from four subject kingdoms or provinces, of considerable size, which were ruled by the Incas, and which were called Chincaysuyo, Collasuyo, Andisuyo and Condesuyo. These provinces rendered their tribute here in Cuzco, and in Cuzco was established the imperial seat.(5)
For sixteenth century Europeans, the "imperial seat" par excellence was still Rome, the city which had ruled the world in classical antiquity. At the very time when Spaniards in the Andes were learning about the roads of the Incas which all led to Cuzco, scholars in Europe were studying the roads that had once led to Rome. Printed editions of ancient itineraries helped to trace Roman roads on an imperial scale, (6) while in a more regional context, in Spain, Italy, France and Germany, historians and antiquarians collected inscriptions from Roman milestones in order to understand the configuration of these lands at the time when they had been provinces of the Roman empire. (7) The very term "province" that Estete used to describe the four parts of the empire of the Incas had a Roman sound. As the lexicographer Sebastian de Covarrubias wrote in his dictionary of 1611:
Province. It is an extended territory, and in antiquity, in the time of the Romans, (the provinces) were the conquered regions outside Italy, provincia in Latin, that is to say, conquered and distant. They sent governors to these provinces, and because nowadays we call this an office, provincia (in Latin) signified an office. (8)
Some years after Estete wrote his memoir of the Spanish invasion of Peru, Pedro Cieza de Leon, who devoted most of his adult life to studying the Incas and their empire, likewise turned to Rome to explain the Incas. But for Cieza the comparison went beyond visible phenomena such as roads, government officials and the capital city of Cuzco, because Cieza wanted to understand why Inca government had worked so much better than did the Spanish government in Peru that he observed in his own day. The Incas, Cieza thought, had been extraordinarily efficient, and absolutely incorruptible. Their wars were just in the same sense that Roman wars had been just, and the Inca administrative system invariably worked perfectly. The Inca storehouses, for example, were always filled with all manner of supplies for war and peace:
When thus the Inca was lodged in his dwelling and the men of war had been accomodated, there was never lacking so much as one single item, however large or small, with which to supply them all. But if there occurred in the vicinity any kind of uproar or theft, the (offenders) were punished immediately and with great severity. In this matter, the Inca lords adhered so closely to justice that they would not have omitted excacting punishment, even if it had been upon their own sons. (9)
The cultivated sixteenth century reader would here remember stories about the heroic severity of Rome's founding fathers: how, according to the historians Sallust and Livy, military leaders would punish their sons for engaging the enemy contrary to orders, even when the engagement was successful; and how, according to Livy and Rome's greatest poet Vergil, the first consul Brutus had executed his sons for conspiring against the young republic. (10) What was at issue in Cieza's view of the Incas was thus not merely Roman antecedents for Inca imperial road construction and urban architecture, an imperial iconography, as it were, but the moral fibre of the Inca state. Inca imperialism could be recongizable as a positive cultural, religious and political force because it was explicable by reference to Roman antecedents. The central issue here was not whether the Romans were superior, for Cieza did not suggest this; rather, the issue was, as Cieza saw it, that empires in general were a good thing, and therefore, the Incas had been a good thing.
It was not only Estete and Cieza, but also Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Bartolome de las Casas, Agustin de Zarate and even Juan de Betanzos who compared aspects of Inca government, culture and religion to Roman equivalents. The Inca chosen women of the Sun were thus likened to Roman Vestal Virgins, and in more general terms, Inca religion was in some sense thought to resemble the religions of the gentiles of antiquity, in particular that of the Romans. In addition, Domingo de Santo Tomas, author of the first Quechua lexicon and grammar, thought that the language of the Incas was like Latin, and thus explained the grammatical and syntactic structures of Quechua by reference to Latin equivalents as described in Antonio Nebrija's Introductiones Latinae. (11) These and other comparisons continued to be drawn throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Indeed, in 1575, the Augustinian friar Jeronimo Roman published, in two heavy folio volumes, a treatise on the Republics of the World, the very title and arrangement of which articulate the thesis that cultures can be compared on the basis of their deities, sacrifices, temples, rites of marriage and burial, their methods of designating kings and nobles, their legal systems and manner of going to war, their pursuit of science and the liberal and mechanical arts, and finally, their calendars, mode of dress and manner of celebrating festivals. Garcilaso cited Roman's work, and he also knew the more famous comparative treatise on the republics of the world by Giovanni Botero. (12) At the same time, however, Garcilaso thought that "all comparisons are odious," (13) his primary interest being to write the history of the Incas and of the invasion and conquest of their empire by the Spanish. Yet, thoughts of Rome pervade his entire work.
As we know from the inventory of Garcilaso's library, which was published in 1948 by Jose Durand, Garcilaso owned copies of all the major historians of classical antiquity, including the ones to whom Cieza alluded. (14) But by the time Garcilaso wrote his Comentarios Reales, at the end of the sixteenth century and during the first years of the seventeenth, the situation in Peru was very different from what Cieza had observed. The activities of Spanish officials both at a central and a local level, the progress of evangelisation, and the policy of resettlement that had affected all but the most remote of Andean communities, had conspired to create a society in which the Incas had become a memory, rather than a reality that loomed into the present from a recent past that was still tangible. The Incas had become, as Garcilaso so movingly expressed it, a "memoria del bien perdido," a memory of the good that has been lost. (15) Perhaps it is true that in coining this memorable phrase, Garcilaso was grieving over his own lost childhood, and over the life that he did not live in the land of his maternal forebears. (16) What is not true - and this is what I will try to prove to you today - is that Garcilaso wrote an imagined, fictionalized history of the Incas, a work in which the self-referential memory and imagination of the historian have prevailed over the collective experience of a multitude of people. (17) What speaks against such a view, frequently though it has been expressed, is not merely the demonstrable care with which Garcilaso treated the writings of earlier historians of the Incas, the effort he expended on collecting his own documentation, and his interest in problems of translation from Quechua into Spanish, (18) but also his profound engagement with the historians of classical antiquity whose works crowded the shelves of his library. (19)
The historians whose ideas and themes resonate in Garcilaso's writing, Polybius, Livy, Tacitus, Suetonius, Plutarch, and from the post-roman period, Isidore of Seville, wrote to reveal, in Cicero's famous phrase, "the light of truth," (20) where truth was inseparable from the moral dimensions that may be discerned in human action and in historical processes. When, for example, Polybius explained to his Greek readers the functioning of Roman military organization, his theme was not merely how one might organize an army, although this aspect of his work attracted a good deal of practically motivated interest from Garcilaso's contemporaries. (21) Rather, Polybius was explaining "how and thanks to what kind of constitution" Rome had arrived at world dominion, (22) and he repeatedly emphasized the connection between the moral sobriety and severity of the Romans and their stunning success. Garcilaso pursued a similar theme. Where thus Polybius had commented on the speedy and efficacious quality of Roman military justice, Garcilaso drew attention to these same features in the judicial system of the Incas. (23) Simultaneously, he described the practice of justice among the Incas as being embedded in the very ordering of society. To drive home the point, Garcilaso chose Roman terminology when explaining the decimal organization of Inca society. According to Polybius and others, the smallest unit in the Roman cavalry, a group of ten, was headed by a decurion. The councillors of Roman municipalities were likewise described as decuriones, as were the officials of Roman professional and religious associations. This was therefore the term that Garcilaso chose in his description of Inca decimal organization: the head of each group of ten, who was responsible for his group's material and moral well being, and simultaneously acted as judge for them, was a "decurion." (24)
On several occasions, Garcilaso commented on the titles of Inca rulers. Here also, he used Roman antecedents in order to articulate Inca thought and government, while at the same time discussing dimensions of Inca political culture that were not so readily translatable. The third Inca ruler was Lloque Yupanqui.
His proper name was Lloque, which is to say left handed. The neglect of his tutors in raising him, which produced his left handedness, led to this name. The name Yupanqui was given to him for his virtues and deeds. In order to show some of the ways of speaking which the Indians of Peru followed in their general language, it should be noted that this expression yupanqui is a verb, second person singular future imperfect indicative, to wit "you shall have told." In this verb, thus simply stated, they enclose and express all the good things that can be told of a prince, as if to say, you shall tell his great deeds, his excellent virtues, clemency, piety and gentleness. (25)
As viewed by Garcilaso, the title Yupanqui, "you shall have told," enshrined a twofold content: on the one hand, it denoted the deeds and virtues of an exemplary Inca ruler, while on the other pointing to the task of quipucamayos, remembrancers, and amautas, philosophers and wise men, who recounted these deeds and virtues in the form of "traditions" and "historical narratives" for all to learn and remember. (26) Garcilaso repeatedly commented on the economy and elegance of Quechua expression, which did not always lend itself to readily intelligible translations into Spanish, the title Yupanqui being one of his several examples. (27) The royal title Capac which had been borne by several Inca rulers, by contrast, could be translated more straightforwardly because here, Garcilaso was able to cite a directly applicable Roman antecedent.
Capac means rich, not in possessions, but in all the virtues that a good king can have. The Indians did not speak in this way about anyone, however great a lord he might have been, but only about their kings, so as not to make common property of the dignity that they attributed to their Incas. For this they held to be sacrilege. It would seem that these names resemble the name of Augustus, which the Romans gave to Octavian Caesar for his virtues. For when such a name is given to an individual who is not an emperor or great king, it loses all the majesty contained in it. (28)
How Octavian Caesar came by the title Augustus is recounted by the imperial biographer Suetonius, whose works Garcilaso owned. Like Garcilaso, so Suetonius had been interested in how a title enhanced the bearer's dignity, and in how it could do so only when it was appropriately bestowed.
Some people thought that (Octavian) ought to be called Romulus, for being, he also, a founder of the city, but the idea prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus, this being both a new and also a more noble title, because holy places and places in which something is consecrated by the ritual of the augurs are called "august," from the increase in dignity... as Ennius shows when he writes: After glorious Rome was raised by august augury. (29)
An august place, or person or prophecy can be matched in Quechua by expressions such as the kapac huaci or palace, a kapac yahuarniyoc, or person of royal blood, and by the verb kapacchacuni, to make oneself different or noble, or, to raise someone as noble. (30) The name Caesar Augustus was thus a direct analogue to the name of the Inca ruler Manco Capac, the originator of the Inca lineage, whom Garcilaso and others described as the son of the Sun and founder of the city of Cuzco. (31)
Much thought had been given by the ancient historians whose works Garcilaso owned to the question of the origins of human society. Whereas the Bible, like also the Greek poet Hesiod, had posited a golden age in the past, from which all subsequent human development was a falling away, historians often thought of an evolution in the opposite direction, from primitive savagery to civilisation. Livy thus described how Romulus founded Rome as a refuge for "an undifferentiated crowd of free men and slaves" (32) whom he invited to gather in his city, and how he then forged an ordered society from such unpromising beginnings. Cicero had a more idealized view of the origins of society, although in outline, the development from social disorder to civilisation is similar. "There was a time when men wandered at large in the fields like animals," he wrote,
and they survived on wild plants. They did nothing by the reason of their minds, but acted mostly by strength of body. No order of religious worship or of human obligation was as yet observed, noone had seen legitimate matrimony, and noone had yet recognized his children as his own; nor had anyone understood the usefulness of an equitable law... At this point, some great and wise man realized that a power and potential for noble deeds was latent in human souls, if only it could be drawn out and heightened by instruction. By some force of reason, this man gathered these humans, who were scattered and hidden in fields and wooded haunts, into one place and gave them a single and useful occupation. At first, since they were savages, they protested, but then they listened to his reason and his speech more carefully, and he transformed these wild and monstrous beings into kind and gentle humans. (33)
More was at issue than a simple and schematized vision of the distant human past, in that the historian Tacitus described the activity of gathering uncultivated people who lived in scattered settlements and were always ready for war, into ordered towns with temples, fora and houses as fundamental in the governance of a recently conquered Roman province. (34) In the Andes, so Garcilaso remembered having been told in his boyhood by one of his maternal uncles, things had been no different. "You should know," the uncle had said,
that in the ancient times ... people lived like beasts and brute animals, without religion or social order, without village or house, without cultivating and planting the earth, without clothing or covering their bodies, because they did not know how to work cotton and wool to make clothes... Like animals, they ate herbs of the field and roots of trees ... In short, they lived like deer or game, and even with women they behaved like brutes, because they knew nothing of having separate wives.(35)
Then the Sun sent the Inca Manco Capac and his consort to "call together and attract these people and teach them." The first Inca couple thus "talked to people ... and drew them out of the bestial life they were leading and showed them how to live like human beings." Clothing, house construction, the creation of settlements, the framing of laws and rules of worship, and the distribution of occupations followed, (36) so that an ordered political society came into existence, just as had happened when Cicero's orator and lawgiver had persuaded primeval savages to come together in that very first dawn of human societies, and when later Romulus had gathered people into his new city of Rome. (37)
Much effort was expended by Garcilaso's contemporaries on the enterprise of understanding when that beginning had occurred for people living in Spain. Some historians were still interested in one of the medieval answers to this question, and argued that the origins of Spain, and also of the Spanish language, should be looked for in the period after the universal Flood, when a direct descendant of Noah had settled in the peninsula. (38) This theory of origins was also a theory of sovereignty, according to which Spain had been ruled, from time immemorial, by a succession of rulers whose position derived, in the last resort, from a divine mandate. Similar theories, which endeavoured to square the story of Noah with Andean and Inca legends of origin were proposed to explain the earliest history of Peru. Garcilaso swept all such efforts to one side by declaring, with his characteristic irony, that "I will not meddle in matters so profound, but will simply recount the historical fables that I heard from my people as a child." (39) In the words of his maternal uncle:
Our first Incas and kings came in the earliest ages of the world, and from them descended the other kings whom we have had, and from them we are all descended. How many years might have passed since our Father the Sun sent his first children, I cannot tell you precisely, because they are so many years that memory has not been able to contain them. But we think that it is over four hundred years ago. (40)
While thus the chronology that Garcilaso's uncle proposed was absolutely incompatible with speculations about the doings of descendants of Noah in the Andes, (41) it did converge with the the more sober views of Pedro Cieza de Leon, Polo de Ondegardo, Jose de Acosta and other respected authorities whom Garcilaso had consulted. Garcilaso's main interest, however, was not chronology, whether of oral traditions or of scientific historiography, the reason being, possibly, that he was aware that not much progress could be made in this direction, given the nature of Andean sources. (42) Legendary and historical narratives in themselves, on the other hand, interested Garcilaso profoundly. Here also, Roman historical writing, in particular Livy's history "from the foundation of the city," (43) provided guidance and orientation. Livy began his story with the deeds of gods and founding heroes. Such an approach had its difficulties, as he explained in his preface:
I can neither confirm nor reject the glorious narratives from the time before the city had been founded or even thought of, narratives that have been handed down to us in poetic fables rather than in unimpeachable memorials of historical events. Antiquity is allowed this licence, that by mingling divine with human deeds it exalts the origins of cities. And if any people deserves the glory to exalt its origins and to transport its founders among the gods, then the Roman people has won this glory by warfare, since they praise Mars above all, he being both their own and their founder's father, and the nations of humanity ought to tolerate this Roman privilege with the same equanimity as they tolerate the empire of Rome. (44)
Livy's work, known to sixteenth century scholars as Decades, was famous in Spain. It was in the footsteps of Livy that Peter Martyr had written Latin Decades about the New World, that Antonio Nebrija had transformed Pulgar's history into another Latin Decades, and that Garcilaso's contemporary Herrera published Decadas in Spanish about the conquest of America. Livy also figured prominently in Sebastian Fox Morcillo's small handbook about how to write history. (45) Little likelihood, therefore, that the voice of Livy would be overlooked in Garcilaso's description of his own historiographical programme. Having recounted the foundation stories of Cuzco, which, like Livy's narrative about the origin of Rome, abounded in divine and legendary figures, Garcilaso stated:
Now that we have placed the first stone, albeit a fabulous one, in our edifice of the origin of the Incas, kings of Peru, we should pass on with the conquest and settlement of the Indians, expanding the summary account which I heard from that Inca. (46)A little further on, he wrote:
We will carefully recount the Incas' more historical doings, leaving aside many others as being irrelevant and prolix. And although some of what has been said, and of what will be said may appear to be fabulous, I decided not to omit recording these matters, in order to avoid discounting the foundations on which the Indians build to explain the greatest and best achievements of their empire. For it is on these fabulous beginnings that the grandeur that today belongs to Spain was in effect founded. (47)
Like Livy, Garcilaso thus juxtaposed fabula and the true "memorials of historical events." Also, both historians contrasted the uncertain history of origins, where deeds of gods and heroes were interwoven with those of human beings, with the more reliable history of recent events. Finally, Livy and Garcilaso both brought the long distant past directly into the present. For it was the glory and grandeur of the present that warranted the study of legendary and shadowy origins. It was because of her present glory that, according to Livy, Rome was entitled to exalt her legendary origins, while according to Garcilaso, Inca origins, fabulous though they were, deserved attention in his own present because Spain had become the beneficiary of Inca imperial power.
If in one sense, legends were simply legends, then the historian's task was the relatively straightforward one of sorting legends from other, more accurate records, which was what Livy and Garcilaso both did. (48) What remained to be understood was why anyone might actually have believed, for example, that Manco Capac really was a child of the Sun. Various eteological explanations had been attempted by earlier historians. According to one of them, Manco Capac who wanted to be king deceived the simple Indians by dressing in a golden tunic, wearing large golden ear spools and proclaiming that he was a child of the Sun. (49) Viewed in this light, the story of Manco Capac showed how fiction became fact by means of simple fraud, and there were those who extended this method of interpretation to the Inca myth of origin in its entirity. (50) Not surprisingly, Garcilaso found such a view of his mother's people unacceptable, but at this level of interpretation, the simple maneuvre of separating fabula from history was not quite sufficient. (51) Here also, Garcilaso turned to Livy.
According to tradition, Romulus was a son of the god Mars, and was divinized at death: or rather, after performing many great deeds, he disappeared in a thunderstorm, leading his followers to believe that he had become divine. Livy recounted these matters with all possible brevity and concluded with one single explanatory statement that enabled him to avoid expressing a personal view of his own: "Such were the deeds performed at home and abroad while Romulus was king, and none were incompatible with the belief that he was of divine origin and was divinized after death." (52) Garcilaso evidently had this passage in mind when he wrote, in his summary of the career of Manco Capac that
the fable of his descent (from the Sun) gained credence thanks to the benefits and honours he bestowed on his vassals; hence, the Indians firmly believed that he was a son of the Sun who had come down from heaven, and they therefore offered him worship, just as the pagans of antiquity ... had offered worship to others who conferred similar benefits on them. (53)
There were thus many ways in which Cuzco was indeed "another Rome in that empire." But Garcilaso did more than simply to transpose Roman fabula as recorded by Livy into Inca fabula as recorded by himself, more also than to explain the credibility of Inca fabula in light of Roman antecedents. The point here is that contrary to what Garcilaso's numerous critics have asserted, he did not write an Inca utopia, but instead, endeavoured to portray the Inca empire as a political society, with its lights as well as its shadows. In this sense also, Garcilaso's Incas resembled the Romans. Several authors of the late republic and the Augustan period whom Garcilaso had read understood the Roman myth of origins as a paradigm of more recent Roman history. The ideals of joining together diverse peoples into one society and of fighting only just wars that were, according to Cicero and Livy, enunciated by Romulus, lived on in subsequent Roman experience; but so did the fratricidal passion for power, regni cupido, that led Romulus to kill his brother Remus. (54) The power of fabulae that were told of a remote and nebulous Roman past was thus all too real in the present, this being an issue that Garcilaso understood extremely well.
The Incas, Garcilaso wrote, had "fabulously declared that they were descended from the Sun." (55) The question was not whether the story as such was true or credible. "What I can conjecture," Garcilaso wrote,
about the origins of this ruler Manco Inca whom his vassals called Manco Capac because of his greatness, is that he must have been some Indian of good understanding, prudence and judgement, who took account of the great simplicity of those nations and saw that they required teaching and instruction in order to live a natural life. To gain their esteem, he wisely and discerningly invented that fable and claimed that he and his consort were children of the sun and had come down from heaven and that his father had sent them to teach and do good to those peoples. And so as to be believed, he probably adopted the appearance and attire that he wore, especially the enlarged ears that the Incas had, which were truly incredible to whoever had not seen them. (56)
That the Incas did good to all they encountered, whether in war or peace, is a theme that pervades Garcilaso's Comentarios from beginning to end. In this sense, the story of Inca origins was infinitely replicated in Inca history. But just as the replication of the Roman myth of origins in Roman history documented both the positive and the negative dimensions of that myth, so with the Incas. The Incas made conquests, according to Garcilaso, in order to enhance their glory. Concurrently, they also did good to people: but not everyone was a willing and grateful recipient of their benificence.
To be conquered by the Incas, as Garcilaso described it, amounted to exchanging liberty for material benefits and for the numerous other advantages that the Incas bestowed on their vassals, above all peace and order. (57) Similar characteristics had been attributed to Inca governance by Cieza, while readers of Polybius and Livy would also recognize the theme as a familiar one. (58) For Garcilaso, however, this was not the whole story, as witness his account of the lord Hancohuallu, whom Inca Viracocha had taken prisoner during the Chanca assault on Cuzco and had then restored to his former status. But Hancohuallu's "proud and generous soul could not tolerate being an inferior and a vassal to someone else after he had been absolute lord of so many subjects, whom his fathers and grandfathers and forebears had conquered." He therefore "preferred to obtain his freedom, abandoning all he possessed, rather than enjoying yet greater honours but without freedom," and fled far beyond the frontiers of the Inca empire to the land of the Antis. (59) Hancohuallo's prolonged inner conflict about chosing liberty in preference to honourable vassalage and his resolution of this conflict, evoke the figure of the Stoic Roman hero Cato Uticensis, who in the face of an analogous choice committed suicide. Garcilaso noted that Hancohuallo's flight caused the Inca "much pain and sorrow," and he "would have liked to have prevented it." (60) Similarly, according to Plutarch, whose works Garcilaso had in his library, (61) the news of Cato's death elicited from Julius Caesar the remark: "Oh Cato, I envy your death, for you envied me sparing your life." (62) In the verdict of posterity, however, Caesar's well known clemency was no substitute for freedom. (63) So it was that the Inca Viracocha had no choice but to console himself over the flight of his unwilling subject, and
the Indians, examining the event more closely, said that they were glad that he had gone away because the natural condition of lords is such that they do not easily tolerate vassals of such high spirit and valour, because such vassals constitute a danger to them. (64)
So far from describing the Inca utopia, an ideal polity without foundation in reality, that so many scholars have insisted on seeing in the Royal Commentaries, Garcilaso led his readers to understand that the Inca empire had been a political society in which persuasion and benevolence inevitably went hand in hand with duress. (65) On the one hand, simple persuasion, the promise of a better, more peaceful way of life, could not convince without the authority that the Incas claimed from their fabulous, invented solar ancestry. And on the other hand, the exercize of that authority, resulting in imperial expansion, which most of Garcilaso's contemporaries would regard as advantageous and laudable, entailed the negative dimension of preventing men of courage and high spirit from participating in political life. Such, at any rate, were the lessons of Roman history. Conversely, therefore, the very existence of these tensions and contradictions within the Inca polity put the lie to those of Garcilaso's contemporaries who wished to assert that the Incas had run no more than a tyranny of barbarians, a state that did not merit the attention of serious students of political institutions. (66)
Much effort was expended in the course of the sixteenth century on ascertaining who were the truly uncivilized people, the real barbarians: was it Amerindians who for one reason or another lacked some decisive characteristic of civilized society? Or was it, as Las Casas would have it, the Spanish, whose destructive advance throughout the Americas seemed to know of no limits? (67) Like his acquaintance, the linguist Bernardo de Aldrete, Garcilaso had little interest in such questions of definition, and instead viewed the issue historically. (68) The Greeks and the Romans in their day, Garcilaso observed in the preface to his Historia General, had described everyone other than themselves as barbarians, and this included the Spanish. (69) Nonetheless, Spain did in due course produce her own great men, including the conquerors of the Americas. These men, who had destroyed the Inca empire, were at the same time
the joy and crown of Spain, monther of nobility and mistress of the power and the wealth of the world. Jointly with them she will be magnified and praised as mother and nurse of her noble, numerous and exalted sons, who were raised at her breast with the milk of faith and fortitude, better than Romulus and Remus. (70)
This passage is in part a reformulation of the preface of Isidore of Seville's History of the Goths, Vandals and Suevi, a copy of which Garcilaso owned. Here, not long after the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholicism, Isidore had praised the Goths as conquerors of Rome and thus of the world, and Spain, which had formerly been conquered by the "valour of Romulus," but where the Goths now resided, as the mother of empire:
Holy and always blessed Spain, mother of princes and peoples, you are the most lovely of all the lands that extend from the West to India. Of right, you are now the queen of all the provinces, and not the setting merely, but also the rising sun never departs from you. You are the glory and ornament of the universe, the more favoured part of the world, and the supreme delight of the glorious fertility of the Gothic nation, where they flourish abundantly. (71)
As viewed by Garcilaso, Spain had thus passed from being herself barbarian to being the nurse of the Goths and thence the nurse of the conquerors of the world. Peru on the other hand, formerly ruled by her Incas, "Caesars in felicity and valour," had fallen victim to the "invincible Castilians, conquerors of both worlds." (72) The two parts of the Comentarios reales thus describe two grand cycles of development juxtaposing and contrasting the histories of Peru and Spain. The theme is reminiscent of the theory of historical cycles or anacyclosis which Polybius, whose work Garcilaso owned, deployed in order to contrast and juxtapose the Roman and Carthaginian constitutions, tracing the ascent of the former and the decline of the latter. (73) Like most of his Spanish contemporaries, Garcilaso took it for granted that the best constitution was monarchy; there was thus no room in his historiographical world for Polybius' view that the rise and decline of states is explained by the positive and negative transmutations of their constitutions. Nonetheless, the question as to why the Inca empire fell was central to Garcilaso's work. In one sense, as he saw matters, the Incas were overcome by Castilian valour. In another sense, however, Castilian valour proved irresistible because the larger force that transformed Peru from a "forest of paganism" into the "paradise of Christ" was also at work, while furthermore
the war between the two brother kings Huascar and Atahuallpa brought with it the complete destruction of that empire, because it facilitated the entry of the Spanish into the land so that they gained it as easily as they did. For this land is so rugged, mountainous and inaccessible that otherwise it could have been defended by a very small number of people. (74)
Garcilaso the historian recorded, and to a certain extent explained the operation of this vast constellation of forces, while also commenting on the grief of his maternal kinsmen, the survivors of the catastrophe of conquest. Grief was entailed in the very telling of the story of this empire which "was destroyed sooner than it could be known." (75) Indeed, such a story could only be told in tragic terms. As the aged Inca nobleman who first instructed the young Garcilaso about the history and institutions of the Inca empire expressed it:
I believe I have given you a detailed account of what you have asked of me, and have answered your questions. And in order not to make you weep, I have not told this history with tears of blood flowing from my eyes, even though I shed them in my heart because of the pain I feel from seeing our Incas dead and our empire destroyed." (76)
This personal, human dimension that pervades Garcilaso's writing endows his narrative with drama and immediacy. At the same time, Garcilaso did not invent this method of composing a work of history. Instead, the sorrow that his Incas felt when remembering their empire was an experience they shared with the survivors of other catastrophes that had been described by the historians of classical antiquity whom Garcilaso had read. Polybius, in particular, discussed repeatedly when, and to what extent, a historian could permit himself to write in dramatic and even in tragic terms. The destruction of the royal house of Macedonia, the fall of Carthage, and the disasters and misfortunes suffered by the Greeks, in calling for the human engagement and interest of the reader, provided the very substance of what was useful and instructive in the study of history. (77) In declaring that Cuzco was "another Rome in that empire," Garcilaso thus informed his readers not merely that the Inca empire could in diverse respects be understood by reference to the empire of the Romans, but also defined this empire as a political society whose destinies merited the attention of cultivated and thoughtful men.
1 I cite Garcilaso's Primera Parte de los Comentarios Reales de los Incas (hereafter Comentarios Reales) and his Historia General del Peru (hereafter Historia General) from the edition by Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria in Biblioteca de autores espanoles vols. 133-135 (Madrid 1963-1965). The English translation by Harold Livermore, Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru (Austin 1966) is excellent and merits consultation.
2 Comentarios Reales, Proemio al lector: ... como natural de la ciudad del Cozco, que fue otra Roma en aquel imperio.
3 Miguel de Estete, Noticia del Peru (Coleccion de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Peru, Tomo 8, 2a serie, Lima 1924), p. 20: Desde este pueblo (de Tumbez) comineza el pacifico senorio de los senores del Cuzco y la buena tierra: que aunque los senores de atras y el de Tumbala, que era grande, eran sujetos suyos, no lo eran tan pacificos come de aqui adelante; que solamente reconocian y daban ciertas parias y no mas; pero de aqui adelante eran todos vasallso y muy obedientes.
4 Estete, Noticia p. 21: ... muchos pueblos, en los cuales habia corregidores y jursticias, puestos por mano de aquel gran senor.
5 Estete, Noticia p. 48: Esta ciudad del Cuzco era la cabecera de todos aquellos reinos, donde ordinariamente residian los principes; venian a dar en ella y a juntarse en cruz cuatro caminos, de cuatro reinos o provincias, bien grandes, que a ellos eran sujetos, que eran Chinchaysuyo, Collasuyo, Andisuyo y condesuyo; estos llevaban alli los tributos a los principes, y alli estaba la silla imperial. See also p. 22; and, on roads and postal runners, pp. 48 ff.; 51.
6 Tabula Peutingeriana ///
7 For Spain, see Ambrosio Morales ///
8 Provincia. Es una parte de tierra estendida, que antiguamente acerca de los romanos eran las regiones conquistadas fuera de Italia, latine provincia, quasi procul victa. A estas provincias embiavan givernadores, y como ahora los llamamos cargos, este mismo nombre provincia sinificava cargo. Sebastian de Cobarrubias, Tesoro de la Lengua Castellana o Espanola (Madrid 1611, reprint Madrid 1984)
9 Pedro Cieza de Leon, Primera Parte de la Cronica del Peru ed. F. Pease (Lima 1986), chapter 44, p. 144: Aposentado el senor en su aposento, y alojada la gente de guerra, ninguna cosa desde la mas pequena hasta la mayor y mas principal dexava de aver, para que pudiessen ser proveydos. Lo qual si lo eran y hazian en la comarca de la tierra algunos insultos y latrocinios eran luego con gran rigor castigados: mostrandose en esto tan justicieros los senores Ingas, que no dexavan de mandar executar el castigo aunque fuesse en sus proprios hijos.
10 Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 9,4; further references in J.T. Ramsay, Sallust's Bellum Catilinae. Edited, with Introduction and Commentary (Atlanta 1984) ad. loc. On the consul Brutus, see Livy, Ab urbe condita 2,3-5; Vergil, Aeneid 6, ///
11 See Domingo de Santo Tomas, Gramatica o Arte de la Lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Peru (Valladolid 1560, Madrid 1994), Preface to Philip II. Beyond this, according to Fray Domingo, anyone who studied the abundant Quechua vocabulary of courteous expression, and the elaborate Quechua terminology for kinship would understand that this was a civilized language of equal standing with Latin and Castilian, see ///
12 on Botero, Historia General Book 1, chapter 7; on Roman, ///
13 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales I,19, p.32b., toda comparacion es odiosa.
14 Jose Durand, La biblioteca del Inca /// Garcilaso also had a copy of Vergil, item number /// of the inventory.
15 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1, chapter 15 p. 25b /// CHECK PAGE
16 Max Hernandez ///
17 Susana Jakfalvi-Leiva, Traduccion, escritura y violencia colonizadora: un estudio de la obra del Inca Garcilaso (Syracuse 1984), p. 4, discusses some earlier representatives of this method of interpreting Garcilaso; for a more detailed discussion, see Margarita Zamora, Language, Authority snf Indigenous History in the Comentarios Reales de los Incas (Cambridge 1988), chapter 6; the personal component in Garcilaso's historical writing is stressed by Enrique Pupo-Walker, Historia, Creacion y Profecia en los Textos del Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (Madrid 1982), see e.g. p. 98: La suya es tambien una suerte de recherche du temps perdu que se lleva a cabo desde la inmediatez de sus vivencias conflictivas. Acaso por ello ... busca la musa historica que hace posible el desplazamiento sutil hacia la ficcion.
18 for a helpful survey of the historians of Peru whose work was available to Garcilaso, see D.A. Brading, The First America. The Spanish monarchy, Creole patriots and the Liberal state 1492-1867 (Cambridge 1991), pp. 260 ff. On Garcilaso's collection of documents see /// For Garcilaso's interest in Quechua and problems of translation and linguistic change, see Comentarios Reales, Advertencias acerca de la lengua general; and further, Comentarios Reales 5,11 p. 161b. (from Blas Valera), "hablaron cortesanamente;" 6,29 (the valley Runahuanac); ///
19 On Garcilaso's use of Livy, see Claire and Jean-Marie Pailler, Une Amerique vraiment Latine: pour une lecture "Dumezilienne" de l"Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Annales ESC 47,1 (January-February 1992), pp. 207-235.
20 Cicero, light of truth ///
21 sixteenth century interest in Polybius on military organization /// Momigliano
22 F.W. Walbank, Polybius (Berkeley 1972), pp. 130 ff.
23 The analogies between Inca and Roman justice, and Inca and Roman social organization that Garcilaso describes here enshrine a further point, to wit, a latent criticism of the notorious delays of judicial procedure in colonial Peru. The Incas used to say, Garcilaso noted, "that delay in punishment encouraged crime," Comentarios Reales 2,12, p.59a (translation by Livermore). Decian que por la dilacion del castigo se atrevian muchs a delinquir; y que los pleitos civiles, por las muchas apelaciones, pruebas y tachas se hacian inmortales, y que los pobres, por no pasar tantas molestias y dilaciones, eran forzados a desamparar su justicia y perder su hacienda: porque por no cobrar diez, se gastaban treinta. Garcilaso was far from being alone in contrasting Inca and Spanish government in the Andes by way of criticizing the latter; what endows his argument with new weight, however, is the Roman context he gave it, given that Roman statecraft was universally admired in sixteenth century Europe.
24 Garcilaso on decurions in Inca society, Comentarios Reales 2, chapters 11;12;14; see also 5,13 p. 165b., quotation from Bals Valera, El tributo que pagaban era el de ocuparse en sus oficios de decuriones. Cf. Polybius, Histories (edited and translated by W.R. Paton, Cambridge Mass. 1922-1927) 6,25,1 ff. At 6,25,2, Polybius transliterated the Latin term decurio into Greek /// check 16th century translations ///. Varro, De lingua latina 5,91: Turma terima (E in U abiit), quod ter deni equites ex tribus tribubus Titiensium, Ramnium, Lucerum fiebant. Itaque primi singularum decuriarum decuriones dicti. See also Covarrubias, Tesoro: Decurion. El preposito de diez curias; lo que en Roma eran los senadores, esso mesmo representavan los decuriones en los municipios y colonias. Porque qunado sacavan de Roma pobladores para algun lugar o provincia, de diez partes la una eran conscriptos, que es tanto como senadores y nobles ... Decurion sinifica tambien el que preside a diez soldados o diez hombres de armas. Y las demas sinificaciones podras ver en Calepino. On Calepino see /// Antonio Agustin maybe has something relevant ???/// Other historians of the Incas also described Inca decimal organization, but without the Roman terminology /// Katherine Julien ///
25 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 2,17: Su nombre proprio fue Lloque, quiere decir, izquierdo. La falta que sus ayos tuvieron en criarle, por do salio zurdo, le dieron por nombre proprio. El numbre Yupanqui fue nombre impuesto por sus virtudes y hazanas. Y para que se vean algunas maneras de hablar que los indios in su lengua general tuvieron, es de saber que esta diccion Yupanqui es verbo, y habla de la segunda persona del futuro imperfecto del indicativo modo, numero singular, y quiere decir contaras, y en solo el verbo dicho asi absolutamente encierran y cifran todo le que de un principe se puede contar de buena parte, como decir, contaras sus grandes hazanas, sus excelentes virtudes, su clemencia, piedad y mansedumbre. For Lloque as left, see Domingo de Santo Tomas, Lexicon o vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru (Valladolid 1560, Madrid 1994), p. 69 r., Yzquierda mano, llucque, o lluequi; p. 7 v., alabar, yupaychani. Diego Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Peru (Lima 1608; Lima 1952), p. 216 gives a quite different meaning for lloque, which is, Un arbol muy recio que sirve para lancas o para astiles, although the dimension of "left" is conveyed in various other expressions, such as, ibid., Lloqueman qquessuani, torcer al reves. For yupani, contar y hazer quentas, and related terms, see p. 371.
26 See Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 6,9 about tradicion and cuentos historiales. The activities of Inca remembrancers and wise men, whose task it was to record and recount the deeds of Inca rulers were mentioned by several Spanish historians of the Incas. One of the most detailed accounts is by Pedro Cieza de Leon, in his Segunda parte de la cronica del Peru ed. Francisca Cantu (Lima ///), chapter ///. But Garcilaso did not know this work, which was not published until the nineteenth century. Shorter accounts that he did have access to are by ///. Note also Comentarios Reales 5,11 p. 162a., from Blas Valera, contrasting the written laws of Numa, Solon and Lycurgus to the unwritten but equally well obeyed laws of the Incas. Some of the categories of Inca legislation that Valera distinguished, specifically ley municipal, ley agraria and ley sobre el gasto ordinario, are defined by reference to Roman antecedents.
27 Comentarios Reales 2,17, la lengua ... es my corta en vocablos; empero muy significativa en ellos mismos. further examples of quechua brevity and elegance, the rain princess /// poems in general /// yupanqui in Betanzos, Cieza ///
28 Garcilaso, ibid: Capac ... quiere decir rico, no de hacienda, sono de todas las virtues que un rey bueno puede tener; y no usaban de esta manera de hablar con otros, por grandes senores que fuesen, sino con sus reyes, por no hacer comun lo que aplicaban a sus Incas, que lo tenian por sacrilegio, y parece que semejan estos nombres al nombre Augusto, que los romanos dieron a Octaviano Cesar por sus virtudes, que dichoselo a otro que no sea emperador o gran rey, pierde toda la majestad que en si tiene. For Garcilaso's earlier discussion of Manco Capac's name, see ///; see further, Comentarios Reales 5,12 p. 104b., Capac Titu ... dios Augusto; Historia General, prologue, Incas Peruanos Cesares en felicidad y fortaleza.
29 Suetonius, Caesars. The deified Augustus 7,1
30 Gonzalez Holguin, Lexicon pp. 134-135; for chacu see p. 91.
31 On Manco Capac see Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales//
32 Livy, Ab urbe condita 1,8,6, ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discrimine, liber an servus esset, avida novarum rerum perfugit ...
33 Cicero, de inventione 1,2.
34 Tacitus, Agricola (edited and translated by M. Hutton and R. Ogilvie, Cambridge Mass. 1870), 21: ut homines disperis ac rudes eolque in bella faciles quieti et otio per voluptates adsuescerent, hortari privatim, adiuvare publice, ut templa, fora, domos extruerent, laudando promptos, castigando segnes: ita honoris aemulatio pro necessitate erat. iam vero principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire, et ingenia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre, ut qui modo linguam Romanorum abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent. inde etiam habitus nostri honor et frequens toga.
35 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1,15 p. 26 a-b. Sabras que en los siglos antiguos ... las gentes ... vivian como fieras y animales brutos, sin religion, no policia, sin pueblo no casa, sin cultivar ni sembrar la tierra, sin vestir ni cubrir sus carnes, porque no sabian labrar algodon ni lana para hacer de vestir ... Comian como bestias yerbas del campo y raices de arboles ... En suma, vivian como venados y salvajinas, y aun en las mujeres se habian como los brutos, porque no supieron tenerlas propias y conocidas.
36 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1,16 p.27 b.: Manco Capac speaks to his coya: "Vamos a convocar y atraer esta gente, para los doctrinar..." Salieron nuestros primeros reyes ... a convocar las gentes ... les hablaban ... sacandoles de la vida ferina que tenian y mostrandoles a vivir como hombres.
37 Garcilaso did not always forge such complete concordances between Inca and Roman history. Thus, for example, he reproduced a long quotation from Blas Valera where Inca and Roman legislation are compared for content, and contrasted because Roman law, as Valera viewed it, was a written law, whereas in the Andes, without recourse to writing, people still remembered laws that had been promulgated over six hundred years earlier, "as though it had been today," Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 5,11 p. 162a.: las (leyes) que sus primeros reyes establecieron de seiscientos anos a esta parte, tienen hoy tan en la memoria como si ahora de nuevo se hubieran promulgardo. Valera then goes on to list, among other classes of legislation, an Inca "ley municipal" and a "ley agraria," which are, at the same time, subdivisions of Roman law, see ///
38 e.g. Juan de Mariana - but how serious was he about it??
39 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1,18, p. 31a.: Yo no me entremeto en coasas tan hondas, digo llanamente las fabulas historiales que en mis ninezes oi a los mios.
40 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1,17 -.29a.: Estos fueron nuestros primeros Incas y reyes que vinieron en los primeros siglos del mundo, de los cuales descienden los demas reyes que hemos tenido, y de estos mismos descendemos todos nosotros. Cuantos anos ha que el sol nuestro padre envio estos sus primeros hijos, no te lo sabre decir precisamente, que son tantos que no los ha podido guardar la memoria, tenemos que son mas de cuatrocientos.
41 Garcilaso met Gregorio Garcia who was publishing a book on just this topic
42 see his chapters on quipus and limitations of this kind of record
43 The title is in the manuscript tradition, see ///
44 Livy, Ab urbe condita preface 6-8: Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in animo est. Datur haec venia antiquitati ut miscendo humana divinis primorida urbiusm augustiora faciat; et si cui populo licere oportet consecrare origines suas et ad deos referre auctores, ea belli gloria est populo Romano ut cum suum conditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat, tam et hoc genres humanae patiantur aequo animo quam imperium patiuntur. See also, for Livy's use of the definition fabula in his narrative, 1.11.8 a fabula about Tarpeia and the Sabini; 5,21,8 a fabula about the siege of Veii; but in 29,17,12 the term fabula means "tale."
45 Livy in 16th century Spain and in Fox Morcillo///
46 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 1,19, p.31a.: Ya que hemos puesto la primera piedra en nuestro edificio, aunque fabulosa, en el origen de los Incas, reyes del Peru, sera razon pasemos adelante en la conquista y reduccion de los indios, extendiendo algo mas la relacion sumaria que me dio aquel Inca.
47 Iremos con atencion de decir las hazanas mas historiales, dejando otras muchas por impertinentes y prolijas; y aunque alguans cosas de las dichas, y otras que se diran, parezcan fabulosas, me parecio no dejar de escribirlas por no quitar los fundamentos sobre que los indios se fundan para las cosas mayores y mejores que de su imperio cuentan; porque en fin de estos principios fabulosos procedieron las grandezas que en realidad de verdad posee hoy Espana.
48 Garcilaso used the term fabula in at least two different senses. On the one hand, there is fabula as the record of the distant past, as here discussed, cf. Cicero De republica 2,2 "a fabulis ad facta veniamus;" in Comentarios Reales 1,18, Garcilaso describes this kind of account as "fabula historial," which is a phrase that he coined himself. This is the sense of the term that is paralleled in Livy, for example, Ab urbe condita 1,11,8; 5,21,8; but the "fabulae" of 29,17,12 are "tales." On the other hand, there is fabula as the account of the past that is taught to the young, see for example Comentarios Reales 6,9 p. 205a., cuentos historiales, breves como fabulas, para que por sus edades los contasen a los ninos; this is the kind of fabula that Garcilaso himself was told when young, see 1,19 p. 31a., en mis ninezes me contaban sus historias como se cuentan las fabulas a los ninos. Despues, en edad mas crecida, me dieron larga noticia de sus leyes y gobierno; see also 1,18 p. 31a., las fabulas historiales que en mis ninezes oi."
50 Sarmiento de Gamboa
51 Comentarios Reales 1,18 is about "fabulas historiales del origen de los Incas," cf. above n. 000. Elsewhere, he described the historical fables that Andean young people learned from their wise men as tradicion, thereby distinguishing oral historical narratives from the written texts that served as historical sources in Europe ///. Andean children learn tradicion from amautas and philosophers /// Second, Garcilaso wrote history from an Inca vantage point: for the Incas, history began with their own origin, and that is where Garcilaso began. Finally, the larger issue was and is that every nation's historical vision begins and ends with itself. Hence, the beginning of the earliest memory that is shared within a given society amounts, in effect, to the beginning of time for that society. Hre also, the Roman parallel had proved most illuminating.
52 Livy, Ab urbe condita 1,15,6.
53 Comentarios Reales 1,25, p. 39a.: Como con los beneficios y honras que a sus vasallos hizo, confirmase la fabula de su genealogia, creyeron firmemente los indios que era hijo del sol venido del cielo, y lo adoraron por tal como hicieron los gentiles antiguos ... a otros que les hicieron semejantes beneficios.
54 Livy, Ab urbe condita 1,6,4
55 Comentarios Reales 1,25 p. 38b, fabulosamente decian descender del sol ...
56 Comentarios Reales 1,25 p. 39a. Lo que yo, conforme a lo que vi de la condicion y naturaleza de aquellas gentes, puedo conjecturar del origen de este principe Manco Inca, que sus vasallos por sus grandezas llamaron Manco Capac, es que debio de ser algun indio de buen entendimiento, prodencia y consejo, y que alcanzo bien la much simplicidad de aquellas naciones, y vio la necesidad que tenian de doctrina y ensenanza para la vida natural, y con astucia y sagacidad para ser estimado, fingio aquella fabula, diciendo que el y su mujer eran hijos del sol, que venian del cielo, y que su padre los enviaba para que doctrinasen e hiciesen bien a aquellas gentes; y para hacerse creer, debio de ponerse en la figura y habito que trajo, particularmente las orejas tan grandes como los Incas los traian, que cierto eran increibles a quien no las hubiera visto.
57 See Comentarios Reales 1,24; 26 on Inca royal titulature as an expression of the benefits bestowed by Incas on their subjects; Comentarios Reales 1,22-23 describes differentiations of origin and status as mandated by the Incas as benefits; 5,13 p. 181b., benefits granted by Viracocha ///
58 Polybius on advantages of Roman rule ///
59 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 5,26: ... no pudiendo su animo altivo y generoso sufrir ser subdito y vasallo de otro habiendo sido absoluto senor de tantos vasallos como tenia, y que sus padres y abuelos y antepasados habian conquistado ... quiso mas procurar su libertad, desechando cuanto poseia, que sin ella gozar de otros mayores estados.
60 Comentarios Reales 5,26 p. 186a.: ... nuevas de un caso extrano que le causo mucha pena y dolor; ibid. 27, p. 27, El Inca Viracocha recibio mucha pena de la huida de Hancohuallu, y quisiera haber podido estorbarla; mas ya que no le fue posible, se consolo con que no habia sido por su causa...
61 Durand, La biblioteca number 111 (Bidas de Plutarco); also 134 and 141. Number 67 is Lucan, in whose Pharsalia Cato plays a central role.
62 Plutarch, Cato the Younger 72,2; see also 55,2 where the possibility of living in exile, away from Caesar's tyranny is contemplated. Note also that Hancohuallo arranged that some of his followers should secretly precede him to the land of the Antis, Comentarios Reales 5,26; analogously, in Cato the Younger 54, 2ff., Plutarch describes how some individuals gathered in Utica plan to leave and do leave before Caesar's anticipated arrival. Only once these individuals are safe, did Cato commit suicide (see 70,2).
63 what did the 16th century think about clementia Caesaris?
64 Garcilaso, Comentarios Reales 5,27 p. 187b. (running on from above n. 000): se consolo (el Inca Viracocha) con que no habia sido por su causa, y mirandolo mas en su particular, decian los indios se habian holgado de que se hubiese ido, por la natural condicion de los senores que suften mal los vasallos de semejante animo y valor, porque les son formidables.
65 for examples of successful conquest, that results in the submission of opponents see Comentarios Reales 6,14 (the curaca Huamachuco); 6,29 (the lord Chuquimancu); 6,31 (the lord Cuismancu) etc. etc.
66 among them, Sarmiento de Gamboa, the anonimo de Yucay, even Gomara.
67 Pagden, Hanke
68 for Aldrete see
69 Garcilaso, Historia general, prologo p. 12a.
70 ibid. p. 12b.
71 De laude Spaniae, in C.Rodriguez Alonso, Las Historias de los Godos, Vandalos y Suevos de Isidoro de Sevilla. Estudio, edicion critica y traduccion (Leon 1975), p. 168.
72 Garcilaso, prologo p. 11 a., los Incas peruanos, cesares en felicidad y fortaleza; p. 11 b., los invencibles castellanos, vencedores de ambos mundos.
73 see F.W. Walbank, Polybius (Berkeley 1972), pp. 137 ff.; Polybius is number 168 in the inventory of Garcilaso's library.
74 Historia General preface p. 12a., ... de bosque de gentilidad y idolatria vuelta en paraiso de Cristo. Historia General 1,40, p. 74b., La guerra de los dos reyes Hermanos Huascar y Atahuallpa fue la total destruccion de aquel imperio, que facilito la entrada de los espanoles en la tierra para que la ganasen con la facilidad que la ganaron, que de otra suerte la tierra is de suyo tan aspera y fragosa y de tan malos pasos, que muy poca gente bastaba a defenderla. See also Comentarios Reales 9,15, p. 355ab., where Garcilaso's Inca uncle rejects the accusation that the Incas had been cowards in defending themselves poorly; rather, they had not fought against the Spaniards because the Inca Guayna Capac had foretold their coming, and had seen himself as the last of the twelve Inca rulers. On the much discussed issue of the providential divine design that underlay the Spanish conquest of Peru, here mentioned by Garcilaso, see most recently, Pierre Duviols, Les Comentarios Reales de Los Incas et al question du salut des infideles, Caravelle 62 (1994), pp. 69-80; for Garcilaso's "bosque de gentilidad," see Thomas Aquinas, De veritate /// (cited by Duviols p. 71): Garcilaso's expression perhaps was a deliberate allusion to Aquinas.
75 Comentarios Reales 1,19 p. 32b.
76 Comentarios Reales 1,17 p. 29a.: Creo que te he dado larga cuenta de lo que me pediste, y respondido a tus preguntas, y por no hacerte llorar ne he recitado esta historia con lagrimas de sangre derramadas por los ojos como las derramo en el corazon del dolor que siento de ver nuestros Incas acabados, y nuestro imperio perdido.
77 On "tragic history" in Polybius, see F.W. Walbank, Polybius (Berkeley 1972) p. 34 ff. For the fate of the royal house of Macedonia, see Polybius, Histories 23, 10-11; Polybius' account, which does not suvive in its entirity, was used by Livy, Ab urbe condita 40,3 ff.; for the fall of Carthage, see Polybius, Histories 38,20; for the disasters of Greece, see 38,1-4. See also Polybius 15,34,1-36,11 about Agathocles of Alexandria, for a discussion of material that does not call for dramatic narration; see 36,3 for the two purposes of history, and (what is useful and what gives the reader pleasure).
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